Mike Phipps reviews A Fledgling Democracy: Tunisia in the Aftermath of the Arab Uprisings, ed. Mohamed Zayani, published by Hurst

“A decade after the outbreak of the Arab uprisings, the Middle East and North Africa region continues to experience turbulent developments,” writes Mohamed Zayani at the start of this new book. Egypt has reverted to authoritarianism, Syria is mired in civil war, Libya is in chaos and many other countries continue to experience deepening popular protests, as in Iraq and Lebanon.

In the midst of this turmoil, Tunisia embarked on a path of genuine reform, attempting to build a nascent democracy, enshrining political freedoms and political pluralism and instituting an orderly transition of power. The country had a progressive new constitution, which upheld individual freedoms, women’s rights, freedom of speech and of association. Civil society flourished, with a range of organisations seeking to enhance accountability, fight corruption and defend freedom.

Yet major problems remained: “the instability of the political scene, the slow pace of reform, deepening economic difficulties, enduring social unrest, the unrealized aspirations of the youth, the elusiveness of social justice, and the unfulfilled promises for development in the inner regions.” All of these weaknesses contributed to a profound sense of fragility concerning the progress made so far, epitomised by the polarised and gridlocked state of Tunisia’s parliament.

In July 2021, President Saied invoked Article 80 of the Constitution which allows him take measures deemed necessary if the country is imminent danger. He dismissed the prime minister and top government officials, and suspended the parliament.

The details of this coup can be found elsewhere. Saied sent the army to block the entrances to the parliament, imposed a 48 hour nationwide curfew, suspended the post-revolution constitution, and imposed rule by personal decree. Since then, regional governors have been removed, civilians have been tried in military courts and several opposition politicians have been imprisoned.

A year later Saied won a referendum for a new constitution that gave him sweeping new powers. The poll was widely boycotted; only 30% voted. The 95% yes vote, without the benefit of independent monitors looked highly suspicious.

The democratic transition has stalled in other respects. The Truth and Dignity Commission, established in 2014 to investigate human rights violations during the period 1955–2013, is bogged down, with many people frustrated that it is favouring national reconciliation over accountability.  A 2015 amnesty law indemnifies civil servants who committed financial crimes under the former regime on the pretext of improving the investment climate and maintaining political stability. It was criticised for creating a ‘culture of impunity’ and triggered a wave of protests.

Reform of the security apparatus and the judicial system is also proceeding at a snail’s pace, and the country still operates under emergency laws that sit uncomfortably with the new democracy.

Tunisia’s economic problems have deepened since the revolution, with high unemployment rates, falling living standards, exploding external debt and persistent social inequality. Disillusionment among young people is intense. Regional disparities are widening. State capacity is uneven and its ability to deliver essential services in vital sectors, such as education and healthcare, is limited. The high levels of corruption that sparked the revolution a decade ago are worsening.

Protests continue around a range of social issues, not least food shortages, fuel shortages, rising prices, joblessness and police harassment. In September, protesters blocked roads after the suicide of a young man who hanged himself after being harassed by the municipal police. It brought back memories of the treatment of Mohamed Bouazizi, the street vendor who set himself on fire in December 2010, sparking the Tunisian revolution and inspiring the whole Arab world.

In October, Tunis saw six consecutive nights of protests against state repression after the death of a young man who died from wounds after being chased by the police. For many, too little has changed in the last twelve years.

Thus, with “the revolution and its aftermath not yielding concrete changes and improvements in the daily lives of ordinary people, the country is running the risk of ‘reform fatigue’,” argues Zayani.

There are lots of thought-provoking chapters here on the different challenges facing Tunisia in its transition away from authoritarianism. Particularly worth singling out is Zuzana Hudáková’s contribution on Tunisia’s re-invigorated civil society – “one of the most important achievements of the 2011 popular uprising.” Driven largely by those marginalized during the authoritarian period—including youth, minorities, and religious groups – the rebirth of a vibrant civil society played a crucial role in the country’s successful democratisation. That said, many Tunisians have only limited trust in formal organisations and younger Tunisians especially prefer to act through loose, horizontally organised, local networks, favouring spontaneous action.

Such protests, explored in a chapter by Irene Weipert-Fenner, have developed in the last decade into more pointedly political and nationally focused movements against IMF-dictated austerity, culminating in a general strike in January 2019. Other aspects of protests by young people against precarity and unemployment are detailed in a first-hand account by Alyssa Miller.

But what’s crucially missing is a detailed exploration of the state of the country’s economy. It is this more than anything that is undermining hope and belief in the political gains so far made.

Earlier this year, Tunisia opened negotiations with the International Monetary Fund for yet another multibillion-dollar rescue loan. The price, as before, is eye-watering cuts to the public sector, which are widely opposed, including by Tunisia’s powerful UGTT trade union confederation, which in June called a public sector-wide strike against the proposals to freeze wages and cut subsidies as part of the deal.

As Labour Hub reported two years ago, the dominant neoliberal model continues to exacerbate existing power imbalances and negatively impacts small farmers and producers, consumers and beneficiaries of public services, and above all young people. Full democratisation – and decolonisation – requires a new economic order, not only for Tunisia, but also for other countries in the region facing far greater turmoil.

Mike Phipps’ new book Don’t Stop Thinking About Tomorrow: The Labour Party after Jeremy Corbyn (OR Books, 2022) can be ordered here.