Fifty years on from the military coup which overthrew the elected government of Salvador Allende, Chile remains reluctant to address the event, argues Javiera Arce-Riffo

Today marks the fiftieth anniversary of the military coup in Chile in 1973. It was a dark and bloody era, remembered as one of the most traumatic periods in Chilean and Latin American history, spanning seventeen painful years. During this time, political power rested in the hands of the sole dictator (after he got rid of “la Junta”), Augusto Pinochet, as well as the other civilians who supported and contributed to implementing a radical right-wing project since 1975. Pinochet and his supporters imposed significant changes on Chile, leaving a lasting impact that can still be observed today. The transformations introduced during that period continue to shape the country’s trajectory.

Pinochet, alongside significant civil figures such as Jaime Guzmán and Sergio de Castro, forced the implementation of the neoliberal model through systematic state terrorism and anti-democratic measures, which combined a profoundly conservative society with an apparent commitment to independent institutions, albeit denied by authoritarian control. Key reforms were pushed through, curtailing state involvement in economic activities and implementing state reforms.

Aligned with Reagan and Thatcher’s neoliberal agenda, Pinochet implemented an extreme market economy, shaping Chile’s economic strategies for the foreseeable future. Privatising state-owned enterprises, such as the lithium producer SOQUIMICH, and dismantling social movements like trade unions stood as emblematic victories for this economic and political doctrine.

Additionally, the appointment of former armed forces generals and policymakers from the dictatorship, including Pinochet, to the Senate posed a significant barrier to reform efforts during the transition period. The restrictive electoral system suppressed political diversity. Jaime Guzmán, the mastermind behind this innovative institutional framework, made the deliberate choice to enshrine this electoral system within the 1980 Constitution. This strategic decision aimed to guarantee that even when the left took the reins of power, they would be obliged to adopt neoliberal principles in a comparable manner.

Finally, during the civic-military dictatorship, the profoundly conservative society drastically curtailed women’s rights, especially regarding their reproductive choices, as evidenced by the comprehensive abortion ban. This was in line with the desecration of women’s bodies as a terror tactic, during the worst tortures implemented in this period.

Concurrently, the Catholic Church exerted substantial influence in the public domain. Advocates of the dictatorship, like Jaime Guzmán, emphatically stated that mothers were obligated to carry their pregnancies to term, even in cases of abnormalities, unwanted pregnancies resulting from rape, or situations where childbirth could endanger the mother’s life.

Torture, exile and state terrorism played a crucial role in the success of this neoliberal-conservative revolution, since such reforms would have been impossible to implement in a democratic context. Thousands of people endured torture; some lost their lives, with their whereabouts unknown, while others disappeared. Many escaped and sought refuge in other countries, where they could begin anew, thanks to the solidarity extended by nations like the United Kingdom to our compatriots.

Despite these horrendous events, I had hoped that the current government, led by a young president who stands with the most developed countries of the global north in their stance against Russia’s aggression towards Ukraine, would show more enthusiasm in commemorating this significant date. However, the prevailing political climate within the country seems to be working against the recognition of this crucial anniversary. The upcoming September 11th will pass with little acknowledgement or commemoration.

Despite the considerable enthusiasm Boric initially sparked within the national and international communities, his government has fallen short on its promises. Sporting an aesthetic reminiscent of Salvador Allende and echoing phrases from Allende’s speeches, Gabriel Boric inaugurated his administration with great flourish at La Moneda. A new generation had assumed power, determined to effect sweeping changes in response to the errors committed by their predecessors—prolonging the neoliberal model and neglecting to incorporate popular participation into the state’s decision-making processes.

In Boric’s view, and that of his contemporaries, the Concertación betrayed its original ideals, descending into bureaucratisation and favouring the affluent and business elite over the welfare of the citizenry. The rallying cry “No son 30 pesos, son 30 años” (“It’s not about 30 pesos, it’s about 30 years”) symbolised the 2019 social uprising. This poignant phrase became the cornerstone of the ‘approving dignity’ coalition (Apruebo Dignidad), a coalition led by Boric and composed of the Frente Amplio (Broad Front) and the Communist Party. With this new generation at the helm, there was hope for revitalising Chilean democracy following the tumultuous right-wing governance of Sebastian Piñera and the four administrations of the Concertación during the democratic transition.

Nonetheless, the political and managerial shortcomings among many of Boric’s friends who were part of his cabinet, plus the rejection of the Constitutional draft in September 2022, triggered substantial adjustments within his administration. Like other governments in Latin America, for example Brazil, Boric needed to assemble a centre-left coalition in search of more significant governmental expertise. In a departure from recent democratic history, a president is now navigating the complexities of governance – or attempting to – with a post-electoral coalition, or even two.

Additionally, a significant portion of public appointments were strategically aimed at securing parliamentary votes, given that this government operates as a minority administration.

Furthermore, despite its defeat in the election, the far right has seen its ideas and supporters gain traction within Chilean society, mirroring trends observed across the global political landscape. The far-right spearheaded the public campaign against the new constitution, employing polarising tactics that involved downplaying or denying the crimes committed during the dictatorship, such as torture and disappearances. Furthermore, they engaged in a marked relativisation of historical facts, equating the mistakes of the Popular Unity movement with the state-sponsored terrorism enacted by the military dictatorship.

After the draft constitution was defeated in a referendum, a new constitutional body was created. Significantly, in this iteration, the far right secured nearly half of the seats within this body—resembling the characteristics of senatorial elections. The emergence of the Chilean Republican Party with 23 members marked a noticeable change from the initial composition of the constitutional body. This reality contrasts with the inaugural assembly of 2021, where left-wing parties and the social movement for transformation had managed to secure most of the seats, depicting a distinctly different scenario.

All these events have shifted the entire political party system to the right. The commemorations of the fifty years since the coup have not only remained free from controversy but have also stirred more enthusiasm within organised civil society than within the youthful Boric’s government itself. There appears to be a reluctance to address these events, with moderation taking centre stage.

It seems that official proceedings will likely aim to provoke as little discomfort for the right as possible, given the government’s tenuous position. These have produced concerns among many that we must steadfastly refuse to forget – and indeed we are unwilling to do so – not just because these atrocities should never be repeated, but also because we recognise that progress cannot be achieved without reparations. Families continue to await reparations, but the prevailing climate in the country hinders our progress in reconstructing the memory. Nevertheless, the act of forgetting is unequivocally prohibited.

Javiera Arce-Riffo holds a B.A. in Political Science and Government from Universidad de Chile and an M.A. in Political Science, Political Processes and Institutions from Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. Currently, she is a PhD Student of Comparative Politics at the Institute of the Americas, University College London. She is a member of the Red de Politólogas (Women Political Scientists’ Network) and an activist for women’s political rights. Previously, she participated in legislative discussions related to the binominal electoral system reform and Chile’s political parties law reform. In 2020 she was one of the creators of the gender parity electoral formula for the Chilean Constitutional Convention.

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